People wait for jeepneys and buses on their way to work as other commuters and public utility drivers and operators hold a transport strike to express their discontent on the continuing oil price hikes at a road in Quezon City, the Philippines, on March 19, 2026. Transport groups on Thursday launched a nationwide transport strike in the Philippines to protest against soaring oil price hikes. Photo: Xinhua

By Rommel Banlaoi

Several Philippine senators signaled openness on Monday to a potential joint oil and gas exploration with China. This comes amid the US-Israel war against Iran, which threatens the Philippines' energy security. With the Malampaya gas field nearing depletion and the global oil crisis driving prices upward, the Philippines urgently needs to secure new energy sources. 

The US-Israel-Iran war has enormously destabilized global energy markets, sending unprecedented shockwaves across Asia. For oil-importing nations like the Philippines, the impact is severe. Rising prices threaten household income and economic growth, strain household budgets due to inflation, and undermine national development. It is imperative for the Philippines to decisively pursue energy diplomacy that prioritizes regional cooperation and self-reliance.

For the Philippines, joint exploration with China is a strategic lifeline. It is a pragmatic response to global instability, a strong demonstration of independent foreign policy, and a decisive step toward regional peace. 

China's willingness to engage in joint exploration reflects regional collaboration to ensure shared security and prosperity. By working together, Manila and Beijing can reduce dependence on volatile global markets and demonstrate that cooperation is possible even amid differences in the South China Sea. Joint exploration is not simply about extracting oil and gas - it is about building trust, creating mechanisms for dispute management, and showing that pragmatic solutions can prevail over confrontation.

Rejecting cooperation with China outright would unnecessarily leave the Philippines highly vulnerable, dependent, and exposed to global shocks. Does the Marcos administration truly recognize the importance of joint oil and gas exploration with China? The answer is yes; otherwise it wouldn't have recently signaled a willingness to restart talks. But recognition is one thing; action is another. Just as Manila was sending cooperative signals, Philippine vessels were still engaged in friction with Chinese vessels near Zhubi Jiao.

Such actions hardly convince China of Manila's sincerity. If the Marcos administration genuinely wants a breakthrough in joint exploration, it must take consistent, trust‑building actions. China has always kept its door open for South China Sea cooperation, but whether Manila's desired cooperation materializes depends on the Philippines abandoning a beggar-thy-neighbor mentality and handling its military ties with outside powers prudently. A "temporary cooperation" born out of an energy crisis, without sustained political sincerity, will never go far.

The Philippines now faces a strategic choice. If it proceeds with China, new energy sources will be secured, reducing dependence on volatile imports. Tensions in the South China Sea can ease through confidence-building measures embedded in cooperation. Finally, cooperation with China can create several opportunities for investment, technology transfer, and infrastructure development.

The choice is clear: Cooperation offers a path toward security and prosperity, while rejection leads to vulnerability, insecurity and stagnation. By transforming disputes into opportunities, Manila and Beijing can demonstrate that cooperation is both possible and rational, even in contested waters. The Philippines must seize this moment.

However, a critical assessment of the current trajectory is necessary. At present, the Philippine government's intensifying military cooperation with extra-regional powers like the US and Japan will only exacerbate regional tensions. The Philippines simply cannot afford the direct impact of geopolitical instability; it urgently requires a peaceful and stable neighborhood to ensure its own steady development.

Given the current situation, opting for cooperation with China rather than confrontation serves the interests of the nation. Yet, this is contingent upon the de-escalation of the overall atmosphere of China-Philippines relations and the establishment of political mutual trust.

Joint exploration with China must also be understood within the broader context of ASEAN's energy cooperation frameworks, as it can contribute to a cooperative regional order consistent with ASEAN's vision of cooperative security, regional stability and shared prosperity. The Philippines, as a member and current chair of ASEAN, has a responsibility to contribute to collective energy resilience.

By pursuing joint exploration, Manila can align national interests with ASEAN's regional agenda. Cooperation with China can complement ASEAN's efforts to diversify energy sources, promote renewable energy, and enhance cross-border infrastructure. Moreover, joint ventures can serve as confidence-building measures that strengthen ASEAN's centrality in the regional security architecture.

The South China Sea, often portrayed as a flashpoint of rivalry, can instead become a laboratory for cooperative mechanisms. If the Philippines and China succeed in establishing a mutually beneficial framework for cooperation, this can serve as a model for other ASEAN states facing similar challenges. It can demonstrate that disputes need not escalate into confrontation, but can be managed through dialogue, compromise, and shared benefit.

The author is director of the Philippines-China Studies Center at Diliman College and president of the Philippine Society for International Security Studies. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn